Will AI agents push transaction costs toward zero?
Can AI agents dramatically reduce the costs of coordination tasks like price discovery, negotiation, contracting, and monitoring? If so, how might that reshape the boundaries between firms and markets?
Shahidi, Rusak, Manning, Fradkin and Horton, in an NBER working paper chapter written for the volume "The Economics of Transformative AI," argue that "the fundamental economic promise of AI agents lies in their ability to dramatically reduce transaction costs." They name the activities this targets directly: "the activities that comprise transaction costs—learning prices, negotiating terms, writing contracts, and monitoring compliance—are precisely the types of tasks that AI agents can potentially perform at very low marginal cost." Once agents can do this cheaply and reliably, the authors write, "we will see significant shifts in the traditional make-or-buy boundaries that define firm organization and market structure."
The mechanism is explicitly Coasean: the authors invoke "Coase's (1937) insight that transaction costs play a central role in shaping organizations" to argue that much of how firms and markets are structured follows from the cost of human labor performing coordination tasks. They identify two distinct channels by which agents act on this: substitution, where agents replace a human intermediary for tasks already being done (the "canonical example is product search," where an agent can "solicit and compare many quotes in parallel" at a fraction of the cost), and expansion, where agents make worthwhile undertakings that previously fell below the "worth doing" threshold, such as diagnostic triage for a home repair or iterating on a bespoke script, because agents "can persist through repeated failures at much lower marginal cost." They predict agents will gain traction first in markets that already use human agents or large matching platforms — job search, real estate, and markets served by LinkedIn, Upwork, Zillow, and Airbnb — because those markets already exhibit the characteristics (high stakes, large counterparty pools, high evaluation effort, information and experience asymmetries) that make intermediation valuable.
This chapter's transaction-cost frame is the broader economic argument that Why does manual search fail as product choices become complex? operationalizes for one specific market: that formal model shows exactly how a shift in the cost of one activity (preference articulation instead of browsing) keeps a search market from collapsing as complexity grows, a concrete instance of the general claim here that redistributing which tasks are cheap reshapes market structure. The chapter's prediction that lowered transaction costs will redraw make-or-buy boundaries is also worth reading against Why do AI-delegated firms stop exploring new business models?, which finds that even when agents are capable of reshaping a firm's strategy, managers often do not act on that capability and the firm's existing equilibrium persists — a reminder that falling transaction costs are necessary but not sufficient for boundaries to actually move. The adoption-lag finding in Why do consumers delay adopting agentic search? similarly qualifies the pace: even where agent-mediated search is cheaper in principle, platform and consumer incentives can diverge on when to adopt it.
As a chapter in an NBER working paper volume, this is a conceptual and illustrative argument, not peer-reviewed, and not an empirical test of whether transaction costs have actually fallen or firm boundaries have actually shifted; its supporting examples (citing, for instance, Jabarian and Henkel 2025 on AI-interviewed job seekers, or Wiles et al. 2025 on algorithmic essay assistance) are offered as suggestive evidence for related but narrower claims, not as direct measurement of the Coasean prediction itself. The implication the argument supports, at the strength a conceptual framework allows, is that the extent of restructuring will hinge on an empirical question the chapter does not answer: how fast and how reliably agents can actually execute negotiation, contracting, and monitoring tasks at low cost.
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Should multi-agent systems use structured protocols or natural language communication? How do capability differences shape collusion in AI markets?Related concepts in this collection 7
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Why does manual search fail as product choices become complex?
As product variety grows in high-dimensional preference spaces, manual browsing hits a wall. Does shifting to agent-assisted search with refined preference signals solve that collapse?
a formal model of the specific mechanism (preference articulation cost) by which this chapter's general transaction-cost claim plays out in search
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Why do AI-delegated firms stop exploring new business models?
When firms hand all strategy decisions to AI agents, do those agents and their human overseers rationally stop searching for genuinely novel approaches, even when better options exist outside their current awareness?
caution that managerial inertia can keep boundaries from moving even when agents make the shift this chapter predicts possible
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Why do consumers delay adopting agentic search?
Platforms benefit from agentic search before consumers do privately. This note explores whether rational cost-minimization—weighing time spent on search itself—explains adoption delays beyond simple distrust of AI.
qualifies how fast the boundary shift this chapter predicts actually proceeds
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Why might AI agents bargain more patiently than humans do?
Explores whether AI agents' ability to treat compute as their binding constraint rather than time could fundamentally change negotiation dynamics, allowing them to hold concurrent deals and wait longer than human negotiators.
sibling claim from the same chapter, on the bargaining-specific consequence of agents' different cost structure
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Can agent negotiation unlock deals that seemed economically impossible?
Does bilateral agent representation expand the set of viable transactions by reducing discovery and agreement costs? The question matters because it suggests AI agents might enable fundamentally new business combinations, not just optimize existing ones.
Extends A's transaction-cost claim: Choudary argues agent-to-agent negotiation also unlocks deals that were previously too costly to discover or construct
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Do AI agents actually reduce friction in electronic markets?
As autonomous agents handle search and negotiation, do they eliminate traditional market frictions through cheaper information processing, or do they create new behavioral and informational obstacles instead?
Qualifies: agentic markets transform frictions into new behavioral and informational costs rather than eliminating them as transaction costs fall
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Who captures value when AI agents cut coordination costs?
As AI agents automate search, negotiation, and comparison work, will consumers gain lower prices and wider competition, or will agent platforms themselves capture the savings by sitting between buyers and sellers?
Extends: falling coordination costs squeeze intermediaries but concentrate surplus at the agent platform layer instead of consumers
Related papers in this collection 8
Papers most semantically related to this note, ranked by cosine similarity in the embedding space.
- The Coasean Singularity? Demand, Supply, and Market Design with AI Agents
- The Agentic Economy
- Agentic markets
- How agents unlock new markets
- An Economy of AI Agents
- The Agentic Economy
- Institutional AI: Governing LLM Collusion in Multi-Agent Cournot Markets via Public Governance Graphs
- Project Swap: What happens when agents trade for us?
Original note title
Shahidi, Rusak, Manning, Fradkin and Horton argue AI agents will push transaction costs toward zero and redraw firm make-or-buy boundaries