If AI shopping agents start cheap, why would stores ever agree to pay them more later?
Why would merchants accept higher agent take rates as they mature?
This explores why sellers might agree to give AI shopping agents a bigger cut of each sale over time, even though the agent starts out taking almost nothing, and what that would mean for shoppers.
This explores why sellers might agree to give AI shopping agents a bigger cut of each sale over time, even though the agent starts out taking almost nothing. The clearest picture of that path is Jaipuria's three-stage model. An agent begins by earning payment commissions of under half a percent. It then adds affiliate fees of around 4%. In categories where it fits, it ends up taking a 12% cut the way an aggregator does. The blended cut climbs from roughly 0.8% toward 4% How could an AI agent's revenue per transaction grow over time?. The model shows how the cut grows. It says less about why merchants go along with it, so the corpus gives a partial answer that has to be pieced together from nearby material.
Travel has the strongest real-world example. Many expected AI agents to cut out online travel agencies like Expedia. Instead, independent hotels' dependence on those agencies rose to 63.4%. The agencies stayed in the deal as the merchant of record, the party that legally sells to the guest, by plugging into AI agents through APIs, and Expedia's business-to-business segment grew 24% Are AI agents actually removing online travel agencies from bookings?. Merchants accept high fees when the middleman controls access to customers they can't easily reach themselves. Once agents become the place where purchases start, the same pull applies. Consumer trust points the same way: people trust a known intermediary to handle agent payments far more than they trust the AI on its own Does naming a payments brand increase trust in AI transactions?. Sales flow toward whoever shoppers trust, and merchants follow the sales.
A second reason is that the money may come out of a different budget. Jaipuria argues that when agents rather than people do the shopping, ads lose much of their value, because an agent compares value instead of looking at page position. Merchants would then move ad spending into lower prices and better terms Could agents redirect merchant ad budgets toward customer savings?. Seen this way, a higher take rate isn't a new cost. It is the old customer-acquisition budget showing up in a new place. That has a less comfortable side. Jaipuria also warns that merchants' payments for placement could be folded into take rates where users can't see them. That would quietly give the agent a reason to recommend whoever pays most Could agent advertising hide inside platform take rates?.
This is where the question matters for shoppers. Rising take rates paid by merchants are the mechanism that Azhar and the MIT 'Coasean Singularity' authors flag: an agent funded by merchant fees cannot be fully loyal to the buyer, and whoever builds and pays for the agent sets its goals Can an AI agent serve both merchant and user interests fairly? Does agent ownership determine whose interests get optimized?. Anthropic's Project Deal suggests users may not notice. People represented by weaker agents got measurably worse prices but rated their deals as just as fair Do people notice when their agents secure worse deals?. A slow shift toward serving sellers could go unnoticed. That is part of why Owens and Law argue for fiduciary duties now, before these fee structures settle in Should AI shopping agents face fiduciary duties like human brokers?.
One counterweight is worth knowing about. Merchants are also being asked to carry more risk. Agent purchases remove the behavioral signals merchants used to catch fraud, like typing rhythm, yet they stay liable as merchant of record Does agentic commerce shift fraud liability onto merchants?. Merchants paying more and also carrying more risk suggests agent platforms are gaining real bargaining power. Merchants would accept higher take rates less because the deal is good and more because, as with travel agencies, there's no other way to reach those customers.
Sources 10 notes
Jaipuria models a three-stage revenue path: starting with sub-0.5% payments commissions, adding 4% affiliate fees, then moving to 12% aggregator take in suitable categories. The blended progression suggests agent economics scale from minimal initial fees toward booking-platform-like margins.
Goswami's 2026 travel data shows independent hotels' OTA dependence rose to 63.4% even as AI agents emerged, with OTAs retaining merchant-of-record status through API integrations. Expedia's B2B segment grew 24% year-over-year, now 38% of revenue.
A Harris Poll survey found 72% of US adults use AI assistants, but only 23% trust AI to execute payments. When Visa's name was attached, 61% reported trust in the company to handle agent-initiated transactions—suggesting consumers prefer a recognized intermediary over AI alone.
Jaipuria argues that once agents replace human shoppers, merchants have incentive to convert ad budgets into lower prices and better terms rather than sponsored listings, since agents optimize for value rather than page position. Google's Direct Offers pilot demonstrates this shift in action.
Jaipuria argues that merchant payments for placement could be absorbed into take rates, making them invisible to users. This mechanism would magnify the principal-agent problem by creating undisclosed financial incentives for agents to recommend products against users' interests.
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Azhar argues that agents like Meta's Muse, which earn referral fees from merchants like Expedia, face structural conflicts that prevent unbiased recommendations. The incentive to collect fees, not technology, determines which platforms build or block such agents.
MIT research argues that platform-built agents inherit seller incentives by default, while consumer-owned agents can be configured around buyer preferences. The mechanism is principal-agent logic: whoever builds and maintains the agent sets its objective.
In Anthropic's Project Deal marketplace, participants represented by Claude Haiku received measurably worse prices than those with Claude Opus, yet rated their deals as equally fair and reported satisfaction. Post-experiment surveys confirmed disadvantaged participants remained unaware of the gap.
Owens and Law contend that autonomous AI agents operating in commerce should be bound by common-law fiduciary duties imposed on human agents, citing rapid scaling of agentic features at Google, OpenAI, and Robinhood as evidence that a regulatory window is closing.
Boboev argues that AI agents executing transactions remove behavioral fraud signals like typing cadence and mouse movement, leaving merchants holding liability as Merchant of Record across all proposed protocols. Merchants absorb autonomous-execution risk without access to the fraud-detection tools they historically used.
Papers this line draws on 8
The research behind the notes this line reads — ranked by how closely each paper relates.
- The Agent Economy: Who's Most at Risk?
- Whom Do AI Agents Work For? Role Assignment Induces Sponsorship Bias in LLM Recommenders
- AI Agents Want to Shop for You: The Future of Agentic Commerce
- Agentic Commerce and Incentives
- Payments in the Age of AI Agents
- What Is Your AI Agent Buying? Evaluation, Biases, Model Dependence, & Emerging Implications for Agentic E-Commerce
- Vertical tacit collusion in AI-mediated markets
- The Coasean Singularity? Demand, Supply, and Market Design with AI Agents